قراءة في الانتخابات البلدية..تركيا تهرب من ظل أردوغان
اعتبر خبير أمريكي أن الانتخابات البلدية الأخيرة في تركيا شكلت تحوّلًا محوريًّا بعيدًا من المشهد السياسي الاستقطابي الذي تهيمن عليه المشاعر المؤيّدة والمعارِضة لأردوغان.
وبحسب دراسة لمعهد كارنيجي لدراسات الشرق الأوسط ففي 31 آذار/مارس، عانى حزب العدالة والتنمية الحاكم في تركيا، بزعامة الرئيس رجب طيب أردوغان، من أسوأ أداء له منذ دخوله الساحة السياسية في عام 2002. فقد نال الحزب 35 في المئة فقط من الأصوات في الانتخابات المحلية، فيما حصد حزب الشعب الجمهوري، وهو الحزب المعارض الأساسي، 38 في المئة من الأصوات على صعيد البلاد وحقّق النصر في المدن الرئيسة مثل إسطنبول وأنقرة وإزمير وبورصة، وهي أفضل نتيجة يسجّلها الحزب منذ عام 1977.
ويري إمري كاليسكان وهو زميل باحث في كلية بلافاتنيك للشؤون الحكومية، جامعة أكسفورد الأمريكية أن نتائج الانتخابات تعكس تغييرًا أوسع نطاقًا في السياسة التركية التي تضيق مساحتها بصورة متزايدة منذ الاستفتاء الدستوري في عام 2017.
وأشار الباحث إلي أن الاستفتاء، الذي أدي لانتقال تركيا من النظام البرلماني إلى النظام الرئاسي، ساهم في تيسير الترسيخ الكامل لسيطرة أردوغان على المرتكزات الأساسية للحوكمة، وهي السلطة التشريعية، والسلطة التنفيذية، والقضاء والإعلام، وفي تبديل المشهد الديمقراطي في البلاد. وأُرغِم البرلمان، الذي بات دوره يقتصر بصورة أساسية على الموافقة على الموازنة، على التخلّي عن أدواره التقليدية في صنع القرار وصوغ السياسات.
منذ هذا التحوّل نحو حكم الرجل الواحد في تركيا، جرى تأطير الانتخابات إلى حد كبير على أنها معارك بين القوى الموالية والمعارضة لأردوغان. على سبيل المثال، في انتخابات 2018، شكّل حزب العدالة والتنمية بزعامة أردوغان وحزب الحركة القومية تحالف الجمهور.
أما أحزاب المعارضة، التي تتألف غالبيتها من مسؤولين تنفيذيين ينتمون إلى أحزاب يمين الوسط والأحزاب القومية التي اصطفّت سابقًا إلى جانب أردوغان في السياسة، فقد شكّلت معًا التحالف الوطني، وكانت معارضتها لأردوغان القاسم المشترك الوحيد بينها. وقد أدّى هذا الاصطفاف إلى ابتعاد حزب الشعب الجمهوري عن مبادئه التأسيسية القائمة على الديمقراطية الاجتماعية، وربما كلّفه خسارة أصوات في الانتخابات.
الأزمة الاقتصادية
على الرغم من التدنّي الكبير في نسبة الاقتراع وعدم التصويت مباشرةً لأردوغان في صناديق الاقتراع، أدّت انتخابات 31 آذار/مارس إلى تبديل هذا الاتجاه. فقد ابتعد الناخبون عن الخطاب المنقسم بين موالٍ لأردوغان ومعارض له، معربين عن استيائهم من حزب العدالة والتنمية وأسلوبه في التعاطي مع الأزمة الاقتصادية المتفاقمة. في آذار/مارس، ارتفع معدل التضخم في تركيا إلى 68.5 في المئة، وقد أرجع ناخبون كثر الأمر إلى السياسات الاقتصادية غير التقليدية التي اتّبعها الرئيس أردوغان.
وبدّلت مدنٌ كانت تقليديًّا معاقل لحزب العدالة والتنمية، مثل بورصة وبالق أسير وعشاق وأديامان، ولاءها فتحوّلت نحو تأييد حزب الشعب الجمهوري. وكذلك أبدت مناطق محافظة مثل أسكودار في إسطنبول وكيشيورين في أنقرة تفضيلها لحزب الشعب الجمهوري. وهذا يشير إلى أن المسائل الاقتصادية، وليس الدعم الثابت لأردوغان أو معارضته، هي التي أثّرت في قرار الناخبين.
علاوةً على ذلك، فإن الأحزاب المعروفة بخطابها القومي، مثل حزب الحركة القومية، وحزب الجيد، وحزب الظفر المناهض للهجرة، خسرت أيضًا الدعم خلال هذه الانتخابات. يدّل هذا التحوّل على تراجع انجذاب الناخبين إلى السياسات القومية والخطاب القومي التي لطالما روّجت لها حكومة أردوغان.
وتجدر الإشارة إلى أن حزب الشعب الجمهوري، وهو الحزب المعارض الأساسي، تجنّب عمدًا الخطاب الشعبوي المناهض للهجرة في الفترة التي سبقت الانتخابات المحلية. ونظرًا لأن تركيا تستضيف نحو 4 ملايين لاجئ، يشير ابتعاد الناخبين عن الأحزاب القومية إلى رغبة أوسع في التغيير.
التطبيع التركي مع إسرائيل
نال حزب الرفاه الجديد، وهو حزب إسلامي في تركيا، أكثر من 6 في المئة من الأصوات، مستحوذًا بذلك على جزء من القاعدة المحافظة لحزب العدالة والتنمية. وقد حقّق ذلك من خلال جملة خطوات منها انتقاد السياسات الحكومية تجاه إسرائيل: فعلى الرغم من الانتقادات العلنية التي وجّهها أردوغان للممارسات الإسرائيلية في غزة، أبقت تركيا على حجم كبير من التبادلات التجارية مع إسرائيل، وبلغت قيمة صادرات السلع التركية إليها 319 مليون دولار أميركي.
هذا فضلًا عن أن جزءًا كبيرًا من عمليات التصدير هذه تولّاه أعضاء الجمعية المستقلة للصناعيين ورجال الأعمال، وهي منظمة مؤلّفة من رجال أعمال مسلمين لديهم تحالفٌ وثيق مع أردوغان.
يُتوقَّع أن يستمر تأثير أردوغان في السياسة التركية، نظرًا لسيطرة حزبه الواسعة على وسائل الإعلام. ولكن نتائج الانتخابات الأخيرة تكشف عن مزاج عام من التجدد السياسي يمتدّ أبعد من المستويين المحلي والبلدي.
وبما أن حكم أردوغان الذي يزداد سلطويّةً تسبّب بخنق المشاركة السياسية، فإن الانتخابات هي مؤشّر واعد على مستقبل الديمقراطية التركية. وفيما يزداد الناخبون تململًا من أردوغان ومن الاستقطاب في السياسة التركية، قد تتقلص سلطة حزب العدالة والتنمية أكثر فأكثر، ما يمهّد الطريق لعودة محتملة إلى النظام البرلماني.
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